Hazardous Duty pa-8 Read online

  Hazardous Duty

  ( Presidential Agent - 8 )

  W. E. B. Griffin

  William E. Butterworth IV

  The Presidential Agent adventures return in the most harrowing novel yet in the #1 New York Times — bestselling series.

  Mexican drug cartels are shooting up the streets of Laredo and El Paso. Somali pirates are holding three U.S. tankers for ransom. The President is fed up and has what he thinks is a pretty bright idea — to get hold of Colonel Charley Castillo and his merry band and put them on the case. Unfortunately, that will be difficult. Everybody knows that the President hates Castillo’s guts, has just had him forcibly retired from the military, and now Castillo’s men are scattered far and wide, many of them in hiding. There are also whispers that the President himself is unstable — the word “nutcake” has been mentioned.

  How will it all play out? No one knows for sure, but for Castillo and company, only one thing is definite: It will be hazardous duty.

  W.E.B. Griffin, William E. Butterworth IV

  Hazardous Duty

  26 July 1777

  The necessity of procuring good intelligence is apparent and need not be further urged.

  George Washington

  General and Commander in Chief

  The Continental Army

  FOR THE LATE

  WILLIAM E. COLBY

  An OSS Jedburgh First Lieutenant who became director of the Central Intelligence Agency.

  AARON BANK

  An OSS Jedburgh First Lieutenant who became a colonel and the father of Special Forces.

  WILLIAM R. CORSON

  A legendary Marine intelligence officer whom the KGB hated more than any other U.S. intelligence officer — and not only because he wrote the definitive work on them.

  RENÉ J. DÉFOURNEAUX

  A U.S. Army OSS Second Lieutenant attached to the British SOE who jumped into occupied France alone and later became a legendary U.S. Army intelligence officer.

  FOR THE LIVING

  BILLY WAUGH

  A legendary Special Forces Command Sergeant Major

  who retired and then went on to hunt down the infamous Carlos the Jackal.

  Billy could have terminated Osama bin Laden in the early 1990s but could not get permission to do so.

  After fifty years in the business, Billy is still going after the bad guys.

  JOHNNY REITZEL

  An Army Special Operations officer who could have terminated the head terrorist of the seized cruise ship Achille Lauro but could not get permission to do so.

  RALPH PETERS

  An Army intelligence officer who has written the best analysis of our war against terrorists and of our enemy that I have ever seen.

  AND FOR THE NEW BREED

  MARC L

  A senior intelligence officer, despite his youth, who reminds me of Bill Colby more and more each day.

  FRANK L

  A legendary Defense Intelligence Agency officer who retired and now follows in Billy Waugh’s footsteps.

  OUR NATION OWES THESE PATRIOTS A DEBT BEYOND REPAYMENT.

  PART I

  [ONE]

  The James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

  The White House

  1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.

  Washington, D.C.

  1315 5 June 2007

  “I will take one last question,” President Joshua Ezekiel Clendennen announced from behind the podium. He pointed. “Mr. Danton, there in the back.”

  President Clendennen, a pudgy, pale-skinned fifty-two-year-old Alabaman who kept his tiny ears hidden under a full head of silver hair, was, kindly, not very tall. If he had not been standing on a small platform behind the podium it would have hidden him from the White House Press Corps.

  As Roscoe J. Danton — a tall, starting-to-get-a-little-plump thirty-eight-year-old — rose to his feet he thought, The sonofabitch got me!

  Roscoe J. Danton, of the Washington Times-Post Writers Syndicate, as his byline read, was, depending on to whom one might talk, either near the bottom of the list of first-tier Washington journalists, or at the very top of the second tier.

  Roscoe was surprised — even startled — that the President had honored him by selecting him to pose the last question of the press conference. For one thing, his hand had not been one of those raised in the sea of hands begging, like so many third-graders having urgent need of permission to visit the restroom, for the President’s attention.

  Moreover, Danton had good reason to believe that the President could not be counted among his legion of fans. He had often heard the President refer to him as “that pissant,” which Roscoe had learned from The Oxford Un-Abridged Dictionary of the English Language was Alabama-speak for, one who is irritating or contemptible out of proportion to his or her significance.

  The first thing Roscoe thought when called upon was that he had fallen asleep, and the President, seeing this, had seen it as an opportunity to embarrass him. Clendennen liked to embarrass people, and did so often.

  Roscoe thought it was entirely possible that he had dozed off. He was not in the briefing room to make notes on what the President would say but rather because it was one of the very few places in Washington where Miss Eleanor Dillworth could not follow him.

  Miss Dillworth, who brought to her stalking techniques her twenty-seven years’ experience in the Clandestine Service of the Central Intelligence Agency, had been lurking in a dark corner of the bar in the Old Ebbitt Grill on Fifteenth Street, N.W. — around the corner from the White House — at noon when Roscoe had entered for his breakfast Bloody Mary.

  He managed to make it to the White House press conference safely, thus sparing himself from being presented with yet another cornucopia of unpleasant revelations vis-à-vis the CIA Miss Dillworth wanted to bring to the attention of the American people via Roscoe’s columns, which were published in more than three hundred newspapers in the United States and around the world.

  Miss Dillworth, Roscoe had learned some months ago when he first met her, was a disgruntled former employee who had been relieved of her position as CIA station chief in Vienna, Austria — and later fired — for bungling the defection of two very senior officers of the SVR — the Russian Service for the Protection of the Constitutional System, renamed from KGB.

  Since meeting Miss Dillworth, and becoming close — he often thought “much too uncomfortably close”—to others involved in the incident, Roscoe had come to the conclusion that the facts were not quite as she presented them and that she royally deserved getting the boot from the CIA.

  But, surprising Roscoe not at all — there was a former Mrs. Roscoe Danton who was also highly intelligent, strong-willed, and found it impossible to accept that she could ever do anything wrong even if the facts clearly proved otherwise — Miss Dillworth was determined to wreak havoc on the CIA and had selected Roscoe as her instrument to do so.

  “Well, Mr. Danton?” the President asked, flashing his famous benign smile.

  Danton’s brain went on autopilot. He heard his words as they came out of his mouth.

  “I was wondering, Mr. President, how goes your unrelenting war on drugs and piracy?”

  That ought to fix you, you bastard!

  You know as well as I do that you’re losing it.

  “Unmitigated disaster” is a gross understatement.

  The President’s benign smile widened as he replied.

  “I’m glad you asked that, Roscoe,” the President replied. “I didn’t have a chance to get into that earlier in the press conference.”

  I recognize that “gotcha” smile!

  And I wouldn’t be getting it unless he somehow got me again. But how?

>   I’ll be goddamned!

  That had to be the one question he didn’t want to “get into earlier.”

  Or ever.

  “Just as soon as this press conference is over,” the President went on, “I’m going to meet with members of my Cabinet, and other senior officials, to deal with those wars. I’ll be the first to admit they haven’t been going well, and frankly, I think it’s time for everyone to start thinking out of the box.”

  That’s my cue to ask for a follow-up question.

  And whatever the question is — such as “How high is the moon?”—the answer will be whatever he already plans to say.

  He’s playing me like a violin.

  “Follow-up, Mr. President?” Roscoe asked.

  “Roscoe,” the President said in a gently chiding tone, “we’ve known one another more than long enough for you to know that I always say what I mean and always mean what I say. I said ‘one last question’ and that’s what I meant.”

  “Thank you, Mr. President,” Robin Hoboken, the presidential press secretary, said. President Clendennen disappeared for a moment as he stepped off the stool behind the podium and then reappeared a moment later marching purposefully out of the room.

  Mr. Hoboken was new on the job. His predecessor, Press Secretary Clemens McCarthy, had died in a spectacular explosion. The White House Yukon sport utility vehicle in which he was riding had collided as it approached Andrews Air Force Base with a huge tank of butane mounted on a sixteen-wheeler tractor trailer. The resultant fireball had incinerated McCarthy and Secret Service Agent Mark Douglas, and closed down the Beltway for two days.

  Roscoe had heard a story that it was no tragic accident, that both men had been agents of the SVR and disposed of by a CIA dinosaur. The story would have been incredible on its face except that Roscoe had very good reason to believe the same CIA dinosaur had disposed of a treasonous CIA agent by sticking an ice pick in his ear in the CIA parking lot in Langley, Virginia, and also that Miss Eleanor Dillworth believed deep in her soul that the same dinosaur had expressed his displeasure with her and the Russian SVR rezident in Vienna by leaving the garroted corpse of the latter sitting in a taxi outside the U.S. embassy in Vienna with her official calling card on his chest.

  Robin Hoboken was a pleasant, Ivy League — type young man who didn’t look like he could be an SVR agent, but neither had Clemens McCarthy or Mark Douglas. For that matter, the dinosaur in question didn’t look like someone who had more notches on his gun, figuratively speaking, for disposing of SVR agents than Clint Eastwood ever had in the bloodiest of his spaghetti western motion pictures.

  Roscoe believed, however, that Mr. Hoboken couldn’t help but be carrying the weight of an odd family. What kind of people would name an innocent baby boy Robin? That was even worse than Mr. Cash trying to hang “Sue” on his son Johnny.

  Roscoe went to the front of the room and patiently waited for his turn at the ear of Mr. Hoboken. Finally, it came:

  “Is that all you’ve got for me on this ‘out of the box’ thinking the President mentioned?”

  “I’m not sure I understand the question, Mr. Danton.”

  “Did the leader of the free world give you anything else about his out-of-the-box thinking about his unrelenting wars against the drug trade and piracy, to be slipped to me when no one else was looking?”

  “Of course not!” Robin Hoboken said. “Anything else, Mr. Danton?”

  “Does the term ‘dinosaur’ have any meaning for you?”

  Robin thought it over, then shook his head and said, “No. It doesn’t. Should it?”

  “I heard a story that some dinosaurs are still alive,” Roscoe said.

  “I don’t think that’s possible.”

  “Check into it for me, will you, and send me an e-mail?”

  “All right.”

  You and I both know, Robin, that you’re going to “forget to do that” the moment you leave this room.

  Pity. If you asked around you might have learned that within the intelligence community, dinosaurs are those politically incorrect clandestine service old-timers who believe that the only good Communist is a dead Communist.

  That would have given you something to worry about: “Why did that pissant Danton ask me about dinosaurs?”

  “Thanks, Robin.”

  Then they went their separate ways, which in the case of Mr. Danton meant that he walked back to the Old Ebbitt Grill, checked to make sure Miss Dillworth was no longer there, and then went in for his breakfast Bloody Mary.

  [TWO]

  The Cabinet Room

  The White House

  1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.

  Washington, D.C.

  1330 5 June 2007

  The Cabinet Room, which is off the Oval Office, looked practically deserted when the President, following Supervisory Secret Service Agent Robert J. Mulligan, walked in. Everyone in it could have easily been seated comfortably in the Oval Office.

  President Clendennen preferred to hold meetings of the type he was about to convene in the Cabinet Room, even if there were just a few — say, four or five — people involved.

  This afternoon, there were nine senior officers sitting at the long mahogany table — a gift of former President Richard Nixon, although this was rarely mentioned — waiting for the President. They were Secretary of State Natalie Cohen, who was in a chair to the right of the President’s chair. The chair on the right of that was empty. Vice President Charles W. Montvale sat next to the empty chair, which most of the people at the table thought of as “Belinda-Sue’s throne.”

  Sitting across the table from them were Frederick P. Palmer, United States attorney general, Director of National Intelligence Truman C. Ellsworth, CIA Director A. Franklin Lammelle, Secretary of Defense Frederick K. Beiderman, FBI Director Mark Schmidt, and General Allan B. Naylor, commander in chief of the U.S. Central Command.

  They were a diverse group of very intelligent — one might even say brilliant — and powerful people who really agreed on only one thing vis-à-vis President Joshua Ezekiel Clendennen.

  Secretary Cohen — she was of course a diplomat — had admitted in a very private conversation with the CIA director that she had been forced to the conclusion that the President had “some mental problems.” CIA Director Lammelle, who was not a diplomat, had replied that he had concluded, based on the same criteria, that the Commander in Chief was “absolutely bonkers, as mad as the legendary March hare.”

  The opinions of the others were somewhere between these two extremes, but all were agreed the President’s mental health was a serious problem.

  There is, of course, provision in the law for the removal from office of a President who is physically incapable of performing his duties, and this is understood to include mental illness, although those words do not appear. No one likes to admit that a President might become, to use Mr. Lammelle’s phraseology, absolutely bonkers.

  Each of the people in the Cabinet Room was familiar with previous problems of Presidents who left, or should have left, office before their successor was sworn in on Inauguration Day. Obviously, these included Richard M. Nixon, who ultimately resigned, and William Jefferson Clinton, who had to face an impeachment trial in the Senate but managed to hold on to his job.

  And there were other cases of Presidents whose physical condition raised serious questions about their ability to properly discharge their duties.

  Woodrow Wilson, for example, was one of these. Many people believed that after suffering a massive debilitating stroke in 1919 he should have resigned and allowed the Vice President to assume his duties. Instead, he stayed on in the White House and allowed his wife, the former Edith Bolling Galt, to determine which visitors he saw, and which he did not, and which papers were presented to him for his approval, and which were not, leading his detractors to refer to his wife as the “first unelected President.”

  Whenever anyone at the Cabinet table thought of biting the bullet and getting rid of Joshua Ezekiel Cle
ndennen by making his psychological problems public, the face of First Lady Mrs. Belinda-Sue Clendennen popped into their minds.

  From the moment — and perhaps even before — her husband had acceded to the presidency following the sudden demise of his predecessor from a ruptured aortal aneurysm, Belinda-Sue had had her eyes on the vice presidency and perhaps — even probably — the presidency itself.

  The first clue to this came when Belinda-Sue sat down on her throne at her husband’s very first Cabinet meeting as President. As soon as she could get the secretary of State alone, she opened a conversation dealing with the political history of the Argentine Republic, especially that of its president, Juan Domingo Perón.

  “Do you know that President Perón appointed his wife,” Belinda-Sue began, “not the blonde, Evita, the other one, the redheaded one, Isabel, to be vice president?”

  “Circumstances in Argentina are somewhat different than they are here, Mrs. Clendennen.”

  “You can call me Belinda-Sue, honey,” Mrs. Clendennen said. “And I’ll call you Natalie.”

  The secretary had smiled wanly but had not replied.

  Mrs. Clendennen’s ambitions regarding the vice presidency had had to be put on hold when her husband was forced to appoint Charles W. Montvale to that office. His only other option was to face impeachment charges in the Congress for a number of offenses. One of these, for example, was described by the attorney general as so egregious that its “illegality boggled the mind.”

  But she had by no means abandoned them, which everyone in the Cabinet Room had to consider very carefully when they thought about getting President Clendennen out of the White House.

  So long as her husband was President, there was the possibility that Vice President Montvale would suffer a rupture of his aorta, or get run over by a truck, thus making the office of vice president vacant once again. If something like that happened, God forbid, Belinda-Sue wanted to be available.